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Britains new eco policies

The UK's new coalition government has cancelled controversial plans to build a third runway at London Heathrow airport. It will also refuse extra runways at London's other two main airports, Gatwick and Stansted.

The leaders of the new government pledged that they would work together to build a new low-carbon economy. And they have agreed a deal to allow a new generation of nuclear power stations to be built. But this will be subject to certain conditions being met.

Campaigners responded with joy to the airport news. Ben Stewart of Greenpeace said: "This is fantastic news that will be met with great relief. "A third runway at Heathrow was always a bizarre proposal that made no sense to anybody who understood the impact aviation has on our climate. "The politicians who promised they would do this have been good to their word."

The policy may send birds in the Thames Estuary flapping for cover, though. If demand for flying in the South-East continues to increase, operators may look eastwards for a new airport. Today's announcement reveals that air passenger duty will be scrapped and replaced by a tax on the plane, not passenger. This is likely to mean that full flights (often budget airlines) will get cheaper and poorly-used flights more expensive.

There are several ramifications to this policy, which will play out in time. The pressure on South-East airports will be eased if the new government keeps its word to build a high speed rail network. But some Tories have been worrying about the cost of this at the current time, and that will surely be a factor in the timing of any plans.

On nuclear, the parties have agreed a deal which is supposed to allow the Conservative majority to push through new nuclear stations through the energy department which will be run by Chris Huhne from the Liberal Democrats who have an historic opposition to nuclear. It is likely the Tories will frame policy and the Liberal Democrats will be allowed to abstain on the nuclear vote, although they may speak against.

Labour will support nuclear, though, so the stations will get built - if conditions are met. This is a key proviso. The Conservative leadership is not so quite so firmly wedded to nuclear as Labour (The nuclear industry had direct access to Gordon Brown through his brother, head of media for the French firm EDF.)

Today's agreement says there will be no public subsidy, and Liberal Democrats will be inside government offices to ensure that no hidden inducements are sneaked through. It is by no means certain that firms will want to go ahead with nuclear stations unless they are offered better incentives.

The Liberal Democrats will have to tread carefully with their own supporters on this issue. The Green Party has already been angling for disaffected Liberal Democrat environmentalists for the next election. For Mr Cameron, the coalition is something of an environmental God-send.

The Liberal Democrats were judged by far the greenest of the main parties by Friends of the Earth, and their presence in government gives weight to Mr Cameron's Vote Blue, Go Green slogan. The Liberal Democrat cohort also buffers the Prime Minister from his own back-benchers, many of whom are sceptical about man-made climate change. Mark Kenber, international policy director for The Climate Group said: "It is good news that this new coalition government will reinforce the UK's bold international leadership on climate change.

"Today's commitments will accelerate a clean industrial revolution, creating green jobs and a prosperous low carbon economy for Britain." In their first press conference Mr Cameron and Mr Clegg both pledged a low-carbon economy, but there will be doubts about whether low-carbon energy targets will be met and whether Conservatives will be prepared at this time to continue to underpin low-carbon jobs.

Before the election, they indicated a determination to cut funds to the North-East, for instance, a major low-carbon hub. This may be a source of future tension. On broad energy policy there is, though, wide agreement on policy. Ministers will commit to a "huge" increase in energy from waste digestion by bacteria and the roll-out of "smart" interactive local electricity grids.

They will mandate a national recharging network for electric and plug-in hybrid vehicles, though it is not clear what "mandating" means and who is to be mandated. No new coal power stations will be built unless they pass a carbon emissions standard, though the standard is still to be decided. This will mean any power stations will have to have at least partial carbon capture and storage.

The government will continue Labour plans for four carbon capture and storage demonstrations in which power station emissions will be pumped into underground rocks. Finally, a measure that might affect many people's lives - if it is implemented.

The government will adopt measures to promote green corridors and wildlife, although there are no more details and it is hard to imagine this policy will be a priority in the short term. And what of the Liberal Democrat manifesto promise of a broader right for people to roam in the countryside in the Scandinavian fashion? There is no mention of that in the joint statement and it may be that Conservative landowners have barred the gate.

 
EU green money funding coal plants

European countries will be able to use money from a key EU scheme for reducing climate-changing carbon emissions to build new coal-fired power stations, documents leaked to The Independent newspaper suggest.

Billions of pounds in revenues from the EU's Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS) – under which power plants have to buy "permits to pollute" so they have an incentive to drive their emissions down – may find their way into state aid for new coal-fired power station construction across the continent.

The bizarre situation of a climate policy pulling in two directions at once arises from concessions made to new and poorer EU member states such as Poland, when the EU was drawing up its current "20-20-20"climate change regime, seeking to cut emissions by 20 per cent, and secure 20 per cent of energy from renewable sources, by 2020.

With more than 90 per cent of its energy coming from coal-fired electricity, Poland feared it would find the ETS especially burdensome, so the EU agreed that some of the trading scheme's revenues could be used as state aid for construction in the energy generation sector.

But rather than applying the rule to Poland in isolation, it was decided that it would apply to every country to ensure a "level playing field" across the EU. At the moment not all permits are sold – some are given away. Britain currently sells about 7 per cent of its carbon permits, for which it receives just over £50m annually. But after 2013, 100 per cent of permits will be sold, and the revenues generated across Europe will be enormous, with Britain alone set to raise £40bn by 2020. Sales of pollution permits will raise tens of billions of pounds between now and 2020 for almost every country in Europe.

The unpublished guidelines for how this mountain of cash may be used in state aid for power station construction have been seen by The Independent. They say the funds could be used to provide up to 15 per cent of the costs of "highly-efficient CCS-ready power plants". But environmental campaigners are critical. "CCS-ready" means a power station ready to be fitted with carbon capture and storage, the new technology which, some time after 2020, it is hoped, will extract the CO2 from a plant's waste gases and store it under the sea bed. CCS may offer real hope for bringing emissions down, but "CCS-ready" can merely mean that a power station has an adjacent site on which a CCS plant could be built.

"Highly efficient" is a similarly relative term. Under current EU guidelines, values could be used for a coal plant which is only 44 per cent efficient – that is, it loses 56 per cent of the energy it produces in transmission.

Green campaigners say this means there could be massive government subsidies across the continent for building what are in effect old-fashioned "dirty coal" power stations – the sort that the EU's climate policy is supposed to be phasing out. There are currently 68 new coal plants in the planning stage in the EU, the highest number of which are in Germany.

"What these documents show is that billions of pounds raised through a scheme that was meant to help reduce pollution could be handed to massive German energy companies to actually increase pollution by helping them to build the most polluting power stations that exist," said Joss Garman, energy campaigner for Greenpeace.

"It's exactly like taking money from Weight Watchers and handing it to McDonald's to run advertising campaigns for Big Macs in schools. It's utterly perverse and it requires Gordon Brown to step in and stop this madness."

A typical coal-fired power station might cost £2bn to build – so a 15 per cent subsidy could amount to a £300m state handout, for burning more coal.

Emissions trading

*The European Union's Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS) is the principal instrument by which climate-changing carbon emissions will be driven down across the EU.

*Emissions trading is a way of offering a financial carrot to polluting companies to persuade them to clean up their act, at the same time as threatening them with a financial stick. Heavy plants are allocated permits to emit a certain amount of carbon dioxide in the course of their operations, one permit being equivalent to a tonne of CO2.

*Once they reach the end of their allocation, they have to buy more permits, which in theory ought to be very expensive. But if they cut their emissions to below their limit and have permits left over, they can sell them on the "carbon market" to other companies that may be emitting too much.

 
Politics affecting energy decisions

The Isle of Grain – now approaching its fifth birthday – is preparing to open more capacity by the end of the year, in preparation for the influx of liquefied natural gas shipments that will be needed to keep Britain's lights on over the next decade. Energy companies are highly secretive about the origin and ownership of tankers that dock in the terminal's two jetties, ready to be injected into Britain's gas grid. But most of the UK's supply of liquid gas is known to come from the major producing areas of Trinidad, Algeria and Qatar.

This winter, as Norwegian pipeline supply from the North Sea failed amid record gas demand in the cold snap, Britain derived more than 50pc of its gas from liquid tanker sources for the first time. Peter Boreham, director of the Isle of Grain, is among the National Grid executives who will imminently decide whether to expand the port even further beyond the current £1bn investment that includes six storage tanks, each the size of the Albert Hall.

"We're having very positive discussions with a number of different potential clients. But they require clarity in the long-term energy policy of the UK before they make a decision," he says.

Certainty is one thing gas importers such as Eon, Iberdrola, Centrica and BP at the Isle of Grain are unlikely to get in the near future, with key differences between the political parties on how to tackle a potential shortage of power generation in the second half of this decade.

Ed Miliband's Department of Energy and Climate Change has pledged not to let gas imports rise from 2010 levels – a prediction regarded sceptically by industry. Meanwhile, the Government has placed its bets on new nuclear stations from 2017 onwards, a third of electricity from wind power by the end of this decade and an increase in energy efficiency. The Conservatives, who likewise support nuclear power and consider wind a key part of the energy mix, are worried about excessive dependence on gas, but have made it a key plank of their policy to encourage more storage, pointing out that Britain only has 12 days of storage to meet winter demand, while Germany has more like 57 days.

But experts are warning that hung parliament could mean that the UK has little choice but to increase its reliance on imported gas, since the Liberal Democrats' fervent opposition to nuclear power could throw a spanner in both Tory and Labour plans to rely on this as a major new influx of power.

Omar Abbosh, head of utilities at Accenture, believes any delays to major energy infrastructure caused by a coalition or slender majority government would be the worst possible outcome from an election for investors. "It's very simple. If we imagine a hung parliament, executing big policy decisions is going to be much harder," he says. "Any increased insecurity of supply and we will end up building more gas power."

It is not clear whether Nick Clegg, the Lib Dem leader, would insist on vetoing nuclear power as a crucial deal-breaker in a coalition government. So far he has stated that his opposition is "not theological", objecting on the grounds of cost rather than safety or environmental concerns. One acolyte of Simon Hughes, the party's energy spokesman, hinted that they could be willing to work with another party on nuclear plans, but would insist on holding a public inquiry into the move. This could be costly and lengthy at a time when companies need certainty on the investment climate for nuclear.

Richard Nourse, managing partner of €200m (£174m) renewable energy fund Novus Modus, reckons hold-ups with nuclear would inevitably push the UK towards the cheapest, quickest to build and lowest-carbon option

"There is a risk of delays to nuclear and reform of the planning system with a hung parliament, not least because LibDems say they not in favour of nuclear on cost grounds. Nuclear is a long journey and developers need confidence to keep travelling. Gas is the quick fix fuel but should not be the ultimate answer."

 
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